His Holiness the Dalai Lama in Paris
Published: Monday, 8 June, 2009
His Holiness’ convoy then left for the city centre with police motor escort and full security protection provided by the French Ministry of the Interior.
During
the afternoon, His Holiness was interviewed by a journalist from the German
weekly, Der Spiegel. The interview centred on the current financial and
economic crisis, of which His Holiness claimed no expert knowledge but which,
he said, could teach us to look beyond material values and unrealistic
expectations of limitless growth. When things go seriously wrong, it is often
because a new reality is still being viewed with outdated concepts, and this is
certainly also the case in the domain of international relations.
His Holiness then received a delegation of French parliamentarians from both houses who are members of the Study Group for Tibet. Many of them had visited His Holiness in Dharamsala on several occasions as well as receiving him during his visits to France. The news from Tibet is almost uniformly bad, His Holiness told them. He retraced the history of recent contacts between his representatives and their Chinese counterparts. At their fifth meeting, in February 2006, he said, the Chinese officials acknowledged that His Holiness was not asking for independence from China. But soon afterwards, in April 2006, the Chinese government’s groundless accusations of his ‘splittism’ intensified considerably, which must have been a deliberate, strategic decision on their part, he said. At the sixth meeting, they adopted a very harsh position, and the following year the March 2008 demonstrations began. Despite a heavy security presence throughout Lhasa from 10 March onwards, it remains unclear why the Chinese forces of order remained inactive for so long in the centre of the city. On the morning of 14 March, Tibetans unknown to anyone in Lhasa started to burn shops and throw stones at the Chinese without police interference, while film crews already in place filmed the whole scene and broadcast it throughout the world. Only then did the security forces crack down on the disturbances. It is hard not to suspect a deliberate staging of riots—the same suspicions as in 1987 and 1988. Some reports have suggested that the unknown Tibetan provocators were seen being trucked into Lhasa by the authorities. After the disturbances, the hastily arranged meeting between His Holiness’ representatives and the Chinese government did not live up to hopes that the Chinese might at last take a more realistic approach. They simply denied the existence of any problem in Tibet, saying that the only problem was the Dalai Lama. Faced with this complete obstruction of dialogue, His Holiness felt it was his responsibility to reflect on the failure of his approach so far to bring about any meaningful dialogue with China and create genuine improvements inside Tibet. In November, therefore, 600 Tibetans from all over the world gathered in Dharamsala to discuss the possibilities of a change in policy, coming to their conclusions through an entirely democratic process. Despite a strongly felt current of opinion in favour of seeking independence, the majority decided to continue pursuing the “Middle Way” policy. All the propositions for defining the nature of genuine autonomy to be sought by the government in exile in accordance with the Chinese constitution were then presented to the Chinese at the eighth meeting in a form of a memorandum, but were rejected outright by the Chinese side even before the Tibetan delegation had returned to Dharamsala. If the Chinese government does not change its position at all, what more can be done? As for the accusations that the 2008 disturbances in Tibet were initiated from outside the country, His Holiness has invited investigation of all documents in Dharamsala and all his speeches everywhere for evidence of such activity. He has also proposed that international observers be sent to Tibet to investigate the circumstances of the uprising, with unrestricted access what were. Surely, if there is no problem within Tibet, there would be no reason to refuse to allow independent observers to go there. Yet Tibet remains closed to journalists and visitors. This was confirmed by at least one of the French parliamentarians present, whose application for a visa was met by refusal and the gift of a book explaining all the improvements brought to Tibet by the Chinese since the ‘peaceful liberation’. If there have been so many improvements, said His Holiness, why do the authorities prevent people from going there? They should be proud of it and happy to show it. If outside investigation showed genuine improvements to have been made, that is our mistake and we will apologise, he said. But if not, something surely needs to be changed. At least, as the Communist Party is now officially devoid of any Communist ideology, there is no longer any ideological debate, which helps to clarify the problem. The main preoccupation of the Chinese government is holding on to power, and their current brutality is surely a reflection of their fear of losing control. Despite the apparently hopeless impasse, he said, the Tibetan side must continue to generate new ideas. There is a growing sense of openness within China, and a feeling that change must eventually come; and that is why His Holiness tries to meet members of the Chinese diaspora wherever he goes. When asked by the parliamentarians what European countries can do to help, His Holiness replied that China should be engaged with. If economic affairs can be discussed openly and enthusiastically, it should be possible to be firm about matters of human rights, freedom of speech, freedom of the press, and so forth. Expecting the Chinese government to respond to repeated concessions by changing their position is unrealistic, and if other countries are too anxious to avoid humiliating China, they will find themselves humiliated in their turn by China—as the parliamentarians agreed had happened to France last year.
His Holiness then met a group of some fifty Chinese students, democracy activists and exiles responding to an invitation to take part in an open discussion with him. Among them was a pre-eminent former collaborator of Hua Yaobang, Miss Lin Xiling, who in the 1980s was expelled from the party as being too far to the right, imprisoned for nine years, and then exiled. His Holiness said that, following the failure of the last full discussion with Chinese officials, during which all the detailed proposals for how autonomy should be accompished according to the Chinese constitution were rejected wholesale, he has lost faith in the Chinese government but has nevertheless kept intact his faith in Chinese people. He has always been keen to meet Chinese people anywhere in world, but especially after March 2008 he has made a particular effort to engage members of the Chinese diaspora anywhere in discussions. To the Chinese government, if he simply says he wants to find a mutually acceptable position, he is met with suspicion. There is no way he can talk to Chinese people inside China because of censorship. But if through meetings with Chinese people outside China they can appreciate his position and lend their help, their relatives and contacts inside China may slowly be convinced too. This hope seems to have born fruit; antagonistic demonstrations by members of the Chinese diaspora when His Holiness travels have been less and less frequent, and since last year some 400 articles by Chinese journalists have appeared within China expressing much more appreciation of the situation in Tibet, including a few saying that Tibet could qualify for independence. His Holiness said he encourages Chinese and Tibetans to celebrate the New Year together to encourage exchange and mutual understanding. His Holiness also recalled the time in the early 1950s when Mao Tse Tung himself told him that some form of general autonomy for Tibet would be a good thing, and that His Holiness should study the problem and make a proposal. At the time, His Holiness consulted qualified Chinese officials and made a proposal, but there was no follow-up. When His Holiness’ representatives, during the fourth meeting in Switzerland, reminded the Chinese officials what Mao Tse Tung had said, they told him that when Mao Tse Tung had said that, the Peoples’ Republic was still very young still and had no clear vision. Whatever Mao Tse Tung may have said was now no longer valid, as the Republic has matured. For over two hours, His Holiness’ discussions with the Chinese people present was very lively. A particularly moving moment occurred when a young Chinese man stood up and said that his father had been an officer in Tibet at the time of the takeover by the army. For whatever his father might have done, and for whatever the Chinese in general had done to the Tibetans, he felt deeply sorry, and bowed down to ask forgiveness. His Holiness stressed again that while the local situation gives little grounds for hope, it is possible to take amore optimistic standpoint from a more global view. Change will come, as long as the Chinese people are not kept in ignorance. Hence the importance of freedom of the press, freedom of speech, and human rights everywhere.
- Report by Bureau du Tibet Paris, France
