Appendix (Part II)
[44] Tri-jang, (Music. )
[45] See above for the bibliographical reference.
[46] Tri-jang, (Music. )
[47] Or thirty according to the Tibetan way of counting years. Dze-may, (The Yellow Book,) 4.
[48] M. Goldstein, (A History of Modern Tibet, 1913-1951 )(Berkeley: University of California, 1989), 310-363.
[49] When compared to Pa-bong-ka's explicit stance, Tri-jang's stance toward other schools seems more moderate. In fact, it is clear that for him the devotional element is much more important than the sectarian element in the practice of Shuk-den. This is why some of his disciples seem to be genuinely surprised when they are accused of being sectarian. Nevertheless, Tri-jang does point to the connection between the Fifth Pen-chen Lama's tragic fate, his Non-sectarian (ris su ma chad pa) orientation, and Shuk-den's action.(Music,) 134.
[50] The best example of Ge-luk sectarianism is perhaps Sum-pa ken-po ye-shay-bel-jor's attack on the Nying-ma tradition. There has been, however, another tradition of Ge-luk thinkers who have defended and exemplified a more enlightened and tolerant view. Tu-gen rejected the conclusions of his teacher Sum-pa Ken-po and defended the authenticity of the Nying-ma tradition. See M. Kapstein, "The Purificatory Gem and its Cleansing", (History of Religions )28 (1989) 3, 217-244. Another example is Jang-gya. More enlightened Ge-luk thinkers such as Tu-gen or Jang-gya should not be thought of as eclectic.They were not arguing for a more inclusive religious practice, as did the Fifth Dalai Lama, but for a more tolerant outlook within a purely Ge-luk practice.
[51] His collected speeches from 1978 to 1996 on the subject have been published in (Gong sa skyabs mgon chen po mchog nas chos skyong bsten phyogs skor btsal ba'i bka' slob) (Dharamsala: Religious Affairs, 1996).(henceforth DL)
[52] DL, 24.This fact is recognized even by Shuk-den's followers. Pa-bong-ka describes how Pe-har, the main protector appointed by Padmasambhava, is supposed to have incited Shuk-den into protecting the Ge-luk tradition.Pehar is depicted as saying: I have been assigned by Guru Rin-bo-che to protect the Nying-ma tradition and hence cannot protect Dzong-ka-ba's tradition, the only truly faultless tradition. You should do it. (Supplement,) 519.
[53] Heller, "Historic and Iconographic Aspects of the Protective Deities," 483.
[54] Nebesky-Wojkowitz, (Oracles ,) 107.The five king-bodies represent the five aspects of the group of deity: body, speech, mind, quality and action.Ne-chung is identified with Dor-je Drak-den, who represents the speech aspect, whereas Pe-har represents the action aspect.
[55] gDong-thog mentions the discontinuation of the practice of 'Jam dpal gshin rje tshe bdag.(Gong sa skyabs mgon rgyal ba'i dbang po mchog gi lha srung bsten phyogs bka' slob la rgol ba'i rtsod zlog bden gtam sa gzhi 'dar ba'i 'brug sgra) (Seattle: SaPen Institute, 1996), 23.
[56] Oral interview given during the second visit of the Dalai Lama in France (1987).
[57] DL., 17-20. In his account of the genesis of the Shuk-den affair, the Dalai Lama described his complex relation with Ne-chung concerning Shuk-den. He first tried to prevent Ne-chung from expressing through his oracle resentment against the success of Shuk-den, labeling this protector "the teacher of novelty seekers" (a sras mkhan po), and complaining that the practice of Shuk-den weakens him (DL, 20).The Dalai Lama ordered Ne-chung to keep silent on this topic, realizing the conflict that would be unleashed if he gave in to Ne-chung's requests.
[58] This was also the time when the Dalai Lama was trying to prevent Ne-chung from expressing his resentment against Shuk-den. The Dalai Lama felt that the publication of the Yellow Book made this self-imposed restraint impossible. His efforts at moderation were not recognized and imitated.Henceforth, he felt that he could not stop Ne-chung from complaining and demanding that Shuk-den stop his activities.See DL, 20.
[59] A factor in the developments analyzed here has been the political situation in Tibet.The Dalai Lama and the exile community have felt a strong urgency to do something about the situation in Tibet and that has probably exacerbated the "affair." It is not without reason that the most acute crises in the "Shuk-den Affair" have occurred in moments (1975, 1996) where, for different reasons, the situation of Tibet seemed most difficult R. Schwartz mentions the role that millenarian elements such as oracles and protectors have played in contemporary Tibetan political actions during the most difficult times when rational modes of action seem impossible and hopeless. See (Circle of Protest)(New York: Columbia University Press, 1994), 226-231.
[60] Technically, mundane protectors are defined as deities who have not attained the noble path ('phags lam, aryamarga) in their spiritual development.
[61] DL., 17-9.
[62] The other channel is the possession of a person, who is often appointed to this office. Such a person functions as the basis (sku rten) for the deity, who speaks oracularly through his or her mouth.
[63] I am explaining the Tibetan understanding of supra-mundane deities, who are mostly Indian in their origin. Whether these gods were understood in India in the same way is a different question.
[64] The classical example in the Mahayana sutras is found in the story of the bodhisattva killing the person who was about to murder five hundred people on his ship. See G. Chang, (A Treasury of Mahayana Sutras) (Delhi: Motilal, 1991), 452-465.
[65] Pa-bong-ka, (Supplement ,) 526.
[66] This ceremony, which does not seem to have any source in the Indian tradition, is not unique to Dor-je Shuk-den. It seems to exist for some other wordly gods as well where it is called "life empowerment" (srog dbang). It does not appear that these ceremonies are practiced in the case of protectors such as Ne-chung, but I have not been able to obtain clear information on this point.
[67] Pa-bong-ka, (Supplement ,) 526-527.See above.
[68] Lob-zang Cho-phel, (gzhung lan drang srong rgan po'i 'bel gtam) (Delhi: Dorje Shugden Sciety, 1997), 120.
[45] See above for the bibliographical reference.
[46] Tri-jang, (Music. )
[47] Or thirty according to the Tibetan way of counting years. Dze-may, (The Yellow Book,) 4.
[48] M. Goldstein, (A History of Modern Tibet, 1913-1951 )(Berkeley: University of California, 1989), 310-363.
[49] When compared to Pa-bong-ka's explicit stance, Tri-jang's stance toward other schools seems more moderate. In fact, it is clear that for him the devotional element is much more important than the sectarian element in the practice of Shuk-den. This is why some of his disciples seem to be genuinely surprised when they are accused of being sectarian. Nevertheless, Tri-jang does point to the connection between the Fifth Pen-chen Lama's tragic fate, his Non-sectarian (ris su ma chad pa) orientation, and Shuk-den's action.(Music,) 134.
[50] The best example of Ge-luk sectarianism is perhaps Sum-pa ken-po ye-shay-bel-jor's attack on the Nying-ma tradition. There has been, however, another tradition of Ge-luk thinkers who have defended and exemplified a more enlightened and tolerant view. Tu-gen rejected the conclusions of his teacher Sum-pa Ken-po and defended the authenticity of the Nying-ma tradition. See M. Kapstein, "The Purificatory Gem and its Cleansing", (History of Religions )28 (1989) 3, 217-244. Another example is Jang-gya. More enlightened Ge-luk thinkers such as Tu-gen or Jang-gya should not be thought of as eclectic.They were not arguing for a more inclusive religious practice, as did the Fifth Dalai Lama, but for a more tolerant outlook within a purely Ge-luk practice.
[51] His collected speeches from 1978 to 1996 on the subject have been published in (Gong sa skyabs mgon chen po mchog nas chos skyong bsten phyogs skor btsal ba'i bka' slob) (Dharamsala: Religious Affairs, 1996).(henceforth DL)
[52] DL, 24.This fact is recognized even by Shuk-den's followers. Pa-bong-ka describes how Pe-har, the main protector appointed by Padmasambhava, is supposed to have incited Shuk-den into protecting the Ge-luk tradition.Pehar is depicted as saying: I have been assigned by Guru Rin-bo-che to protect the Nying-ma tradition and hence cannot protect Dzong-ka-ba's tradition, the only truly faultless tradition. You should do it. (Supplement,) 519.
[53] Heller, "Historic and Iconographic Aspects of the Protective Deities," 483.
[54] Nebesky-Wojkowitz, (Oracles ,) 107.The five king-bodies represent the five aspects of the group of deity: body, speech, mind, quality and action.Ne-chung is identified with Dor-je Drak-den, who represents the speech aspect, whereas Pe-har represents the action aspect.
[55] gDong-thog mentions the discontinuation of the practice of 'Jam dpal gshin rje tshe bdag.(Gong sa skyabs mgon rgyal ba'i dbang po mchog gi lha srung bsten phyogs bka' slob la rgol ba'i rtsod zlog bden gtam sa gzhi 'dar ba'i 'brug sgra) (Seattle: SaPen Institute, 1996), 23.
[56] Oral interview given during the second visit of the Dalai Lama in France (1987).
[57] DL., 17-20. In his account of the genesis of the Shuk-den affair, the Dalai Lama described his complex relation with Ne-chung concerning Shuk-den. He first tried to prevent Ne-chung from expressing through his oracle resentment against the success of Shuk-den, labeling this protector "the teacher of novelty seekers" (a sras mkhan po), and complaining that the practice of Shuk-den weakens him (DL, 20).The Dalai Lama ordered Ne-chung to keep silent on this topic, realizing the conflict that would be unleashed if he gave in to Ne-chung's requests.
[58] This was also the time when the Dalai Lama was trying to prevent Ne-chung from expressing his resentment against Shuk-den. The Dalai Lama felt that the publication of the Yellow Book made this self-imposed restraint impossible. His efforts at moderation were not recognized and imitated.Henceforth, he felt that he could not stop Ne-chung from complaining and demanding that Shuk-den stop his activities.See DL, 20.
[59] A factor in the developments analyzed here has been the political situation in Tibet.The Dalai Lama and the exile community have felt a strong urgency to do something about the situation in Tibet and that has probably exacerbated the "affair." It is not without reason that the most acute crises in the "Shuk-den Affair" have occurred in moments (1975, 1996) where, for different reasons, the situation of Tibet seemed most difficult R. Schwartz mentions the role that millenarian elements such as oracles and protectors have played in contemporary Tibetan political actions during the most difficult times when rational modes of action seem impossible and hopeless. See (Circle of Protest)(New York: Columbia University Press, 1994), 226-231.
[60] Technically, mundane protectors are defined as deities who have not attained the noble path ('phags lam, aryamarga) in their spiritual development.
[61] DL., 17-9.
[62] The other channel is the possession of a person, who is often appointed to this office. Such a person functions as the basis (sku rten) for the deity, who speaks oracularly through his or her mouth.
[63] I am explaining the Tibetan understanding of supra-mundane deities, who are mostly Indian in their origin. Whether these gods were understood in India in the same way is a different question.
[64] The classical example in the Mahayana sutras is found in the story of the bodhisattva killing the person who was about to murder five hundred people on his ship. See G. Chang, (A Treasury of Mahayana Sutras) (Delhi: Motilal, 1991), 452-465.
[65] Pa-bong-ka, (Supplement ,) 526.
[66] This ceremony, which does not seem to have any source in the Indian tradition, is not unique to Dor-je Shuk-den. It seems to exist for some other wordly gods as well where it is called "life empowerment" (srog dbang). It does not appear that these ceremonies are practiced in the case of protectors such as Ne-chung, but I have not been able to obtain clear information on this point.
[67] Pa-bong-ka, (Supplement ,) 526-527.See above.
[68] Lob-zang Cho-phel, (gzhung lan drang srong rgan po'i 'bel gtam) (Delhi: Dorje Shugden Sciety, 1997), 120.
