Speech by His Holiness the Fourteenth Dalai Lama at the U.S. Congressional Gold Medal Ceremony
President Bush, Speaker Pelosi, Senator
Byrd, my fellow Laureate Elie Wiesel, Honourable Members of Congress, Brothers
and Sisters.
It is a great honour for me to receive the Congressional Gold Medal. This
recognition will bring tremendous joy and encouragement to the Tibetan people,
for whom I have a special responsibility. Their welfare is my constant
motivation and I always consider myself as their free spokesperson. I believe
that this award also sends a powerful message to those many individuals who are
dedicated to promoting peace, understanding and harmony.
On a personal note, I am deeply touched that this great honour has been given
to me, a Buddhist monk born of a simple family from the remote Amdo region of Tibet. As a
child I grew up under the loving care of my mother, a truly compassionate
woman. And after my arrival in Lhasa
at the age of four, all the people around me, my teachers and even the
housekeepers, taught me what it means to be kind, honest, and caring. It is in
such an environment that I grew up. Later my formal education in Buddhist
thought exposed me to concepts such as interdependence and the human potential
for infinite compassion. It is these that gave me a profound recognition of the importance
of universal responsibility, non-violence, and inter-religious understanding.
Today, it is a conviction in these values that gives me the powerful motivation
to promote basic human values. Even in my own struggle for the rights and
greater freedom of the Tibetan people, these values continue to guide my
commitment to pursuing a non-violent path.
I have had the honour to be in this hall once before when I visited your
country in 1991. Many of the faces that welcomed me then, I can see today,
which gives me great joy. Many have retired and some are sadly no longer with
us. However, I would like to take this opportunity to recognize their kindness
and contribution. Our American friends have stood with us in the most critical
of times and under most intense pressure.
Mr. President, thank you for your strong support, and for the warm friendship
that Mrs. Bush and you have extended to me personally. I am deeply grateful to
you for your sympathy and support for Tibet, and your firm stand on
religious freedom and the cause of democracy. Madam Speaker, you have not only
extended an unwavering support to me and the just cause of the Tibetan people,
you have also worked hard to promote the cause of democracy, freedom and the
respect for human rights in other parts of the world. For this, I would like to
offer my special thanks.
The consistency of American support for Tibet
has not gone unnoticed in China.
Where this has caused some tension in the US-China relations, I feel a sense of
regret. Today, I wish to share with you all my sincere hope that the future of Tibet and China will move beyond mistrust to
a relationship based on mutual respect, trust and recognition of common
interests.
Today we watch China
as it rapidly moves forward. Economic liberalization has led to wealth,
modernization and great power. I believe that today's economic success of both India and China, the two most populated
nations with long history of rich culture, is most deserving. With their
newfound status, both of these two countries are poised to play important
leading role on the world stage. In order to fulfil this role, I believe it is
vital for China
to have transparency, rule of law and freedom of information. Much of the world
is waiting to see how China's
concepts of "harmonious society" and "peaceful rise" would
unfold. Today's China,
being a state of many nationalities, a key factor here would be how it ensures
the harmony and unity of its various peoples. For this, the equality and the
rights of these nationalities to maintain their distinct identities are
crucial.
With respect to my own homeland Tibet,
today many people, both from inside and outside, feel deeply concerned about
the consequences of the rapid changes taking place. Every year, the Chinese
population inside Tibet
is increasing at an alarming rate. And, if we are to judge by the example of
the population of Lhasa,
there is a real danger that the Tibetans will be reduced to an insignificant
minority in their own homeland. This rapid increase in population is also posing serious threat to Tibet's fragile
environment. Being the source of many of Asia's great rivers, any substantial
disturbance in Tibet's
ecology will impact the lives of hundreds of millions. Furthermore, being
situated between India and China, the peaceful resolution of the Tibet problem
also has important implications for lasting peace and friendly relation between
these two great neighbours.
On the future of Tibet,
let me take this opportunity to restate categorically that I am not seeking independence.
I am seeking a meaningful autonomy for the Tibetan people within the People's
Republic of China.
If the real concern of the Chinese leadership is the unity and stability of
PRC, I have fully addressed their concerns. I have chosen to adopt this
position because I believe, given the obvious benefits especially in economic
development, this would be in the best interest of the Tibetan people.
Furthermore, I have no intention of using any agreement on autonomy as a
stepping-stone for Tibet's
independence.
I have conveyed these thoughts to successive Chinese leaders. In particular,
following the renewal of direct contact with the Chinese government in 2002, I
have explained these in detail through my envoys. Despite all this, Beijing continues to allege that my "hidden
agenda" is separation and restoration of Tibet's old socio-political system.
Such a notion is unfounded and untrue.
Even in my youth, when I was compelled to take on the full
responsibility of
governance, I began to initiate fundamental changes in Tibet.
Unfortunately, these were interrupted because of the political
upheavals that
took place. Nevertheless, following our arrival in India as refugees,
we have
democratised our political system and adopted a democratic charter that
sets guidelines
for our exile administration. Even our political leadership is now
directly chosen by the people on a five-year term basis. Moreover, we
have
been able to preserve and practice most of the important aspects of our
culture
and spirituality in exile. This is due largely to the kindness of India
and its
people.
Another major concern of the Chinese government is its lack of legitimacy in Tibet. While I
cannot rewrite the past, a mutually agreeable solution could bring legitimacy,
and I am certainly prepared to use my position and influence among the Tibetan
people to bring consensus on this question. So I would also like to restate
here that I have no hidden agenda. My decision not to accept any political
office in a future Tibet
is final.
The Chinese authorities assert that I harbour hostility towards China and that I actively seek to undermine China's
welfare. This is totally untrue. I have always encouraged world leaders to
engage with China; I have
supported China's entry into
WTO and the awarding of summer Olympics to Beijing. I chose to do so with the hope that China would
become a more open, tolerant and responsible country.
A major obstacle in our ongoing dialogue has been the conflicting perspectives
on the current situation inside Tibet.
So in order to have a common understanding of the real situation, my envoys in
their sixth meeting with their Chinese counterparts suggested that we be given
an opportunity to send study groups to look at the actual reality on the
ground, in the spirit of "seeking truth from facts." This could help
both sides to move beyond each other's contentions.
The time has come for our dialogue with the Chinese leadership to progress
towards the successful implementation of a meaningful autonomy for Tibet, as
guaranteed in the Chinese constitution and detailed in the Chinese State
Council "White Paper on Regional Ethnic Autonomy of Tibet." Let me
take this opportunity to once again appeal to the Chinese leadership to
recognize the grave problems in Tibet,
the genuine grievances and deep resentments of the Tibetan people inside Tibet, and to
have the courage and wisdom to address these problems realistically in the
spirit of reconciliation. To you, my American friends, I appeal to you to make
every effort to seek ways to help convince the Chinese leadership of my
sincerity and help make our dialogue process move forward.
Since you have recognized my efforts to promote peace, understanding
and
non-violence, I would like to respectfully share a few related
thoughts. I
believe this is precisely the time that the United States must increase
its
support to those efforts that help bring greater peace, understanding
and
harmony between peoples and cultures. As a champion of democracy and
freedom,
you must continue to ensure the success of those endeavours aimed at
safeguarding basic human rights in the world. Another area where we
need US leadership is environment. As we all know, today our earth is
definitely
warming up and many scientists tell us that our own action is to a
large part
responsible. So each one of us must, in whatever way we can, use our
talents
and resources to make a difference so that we can pass on to our future
generations a planet that is at least safe to live on.
Many of world's problems are ultimately rooted in inequality and
injustice,
whether economic, political or social. Ultimately, this is a question
of the
well being of all of us. Whether it is the suffering of poverty in one
part of
the world, or whether it is the denial of freedom and basic human
rights in
another part, we should never perceive these events in total isolation.
Eventually their repercussions will be felt everywhere. I would like to
appeal to you to take a leadership role in an effective international
action in
addressing these problems, including the huge economic imbalance. I
believe the
time has now come to address all these global issues from the
perspective of
the oneness of humanity, and from a profound understanding of the
deeply
interconnected nature of our today's world.
In conclusion, on behalf of six million Tibetan people, I wish to take this
opportunity to recognize from the depth of my heart the support extended to us
by the American people and their government. Your continued support is
critical. I thank you once again for the high honour that you have bestowed on
me today. Thank you.